Customs and Border Protection agents and officers are less trained and more unqualified than ever before – The Outline

Over the past three years, Customs and Border Protection has made several attempts to quell a so-called hiring crisis brought on by President Donald Trumps intention to hire 5,000 new agents, part of a bid to expand CBP and Immigrations and Customs Enforcement staff by a whopping 15,000 people. Trumps ask was aimed at increasing frontline positions, the roles dedicated to patrolling borders and ports of entry by ground and air to arrest migrants. The Department of Homeland Security is still struggling to meet that goal despite an increase in Congressional funding and a decrease in skills requirements for new recruits. Now, CBP, one of the nations largest law enforcement agencies, is facing a crisis in both recruitment and retention. However, data obtained from the agency through an open-records request shows that despite the fact that the agency isnt meeting its hiring goals, the past three years have seen a significant spike in overall frontline positions people hired specifically to work along U.S. borders to identify and apprehend migrants.

In November 2018, the DHS Inspector General warned that a significant uptick in hiring of border patrol agents that was not matched by an increase in resources for training them would leave new recruits less prepared for their assigned field environments, potentially impeding mission achievability and increasing safety risk to themselves, other law enforcement officers, and anyone within their enforcement authority.

While the data shows erratic fluctuations in frontline staffing over the past five years, former CBP Sector Chief Victor Manjarrez, Jr. told me recruitment at the agency has always been a challenge. Manjarrez, who currently serves as the associate director of the Center for Law & Human Behavior at the University of Texas, El Paso, worked in leadership across several CBP offices under the Bush and Obama administrations. He says the hiring challenges faced by the agency dont stem from public perception or scrutiny, but from the agencys low starting salaries, difficult entrance requirements, and less-than-desirable working locations. You had to reach an ungodly number of people just to get them to take a test, Manjarrez said of his time leading recruitment for his sector.

The agency has been under intense scrutiny since it began enforcing Trumps tough immigration policies. In 2019, CBP conducted more than one million denials and apprehensions of immigrants seeking to cross into the U.S, refusing entry for over 288,000 people attempting to legally cross through ports of entry and detaining over 850,000 who crossed over illegally. The agency continues to field accusations of cruelty and racism. Still, Manjarrez said thats not necessarily the reason the agency is struggling to staff up.

Becoming a CBP officer or patrol agent takes months. While both are considered frontline roles, border patrol agents do more tracking, and officers do more arresting. For both, CBP says the Southwest border is in need of the most bodies. While these positions require a college degree, the starting salary sits just above $33,000 for officers and $47,000 for agents. On top of that, recruits are sent where theyre needed often rural border towns where typical suburban comforts like nightlife, recreation, and even housing are scant. Manjarrez said that while he was at CBP, a common occurrence would be losing recruits during the long hiring process, simply because they found jobs elsewhere. Manjarrez said that out of the few recruits that would actually show up for the proctored exam, only a fraction would pass. And out of those that passed, even less would show up for the next stage of hiring. It was such a long process, he said.

Border Patrol agents in Nogales, Arizona. CBP on Flickr

D.B., a border patrol agent who spoke to me under the condition of anonymity, told me it took him more than two years from when he first applied to be hired by CBP to become an agent. He said that the wait time is a huge deterrent in keeping recruits interested in the positions; CBP cites their average time to hire as 300 days. Lives change in that period of time, he said. People get into relationships, get pregnant, offered other jobs.

D.B., who had a lifelong goal of working in law enforcement, also works as a recruiter for the agency. Contrary to Manjarrezs point of view on salary, D.B. says hes satisfied with the pay scale and the benefits he gets from CBP. He says that for his recruits, location, not compensation, is the primary deterrent. Location of living is why we struggle to fill positions, he says. No one wants to live in a run-down border town.

CBP has struggled to make service look desirable since long before Trumps aggressive staffing goals and immigration rhetoric, and the desire to get more boots on the border is decades in the making. Under President Bill Clinton, border patrol, called Immigration and Naturalization Services at the time, saw its first major increase in staffing. Clintons Attorney General, Janet Reno, announced Operation Gatekeeper in 1994; this ushered in a new era of U.S. border patrol, with an uptick not only in staffing but in equipment, including adding 40 seismic sensors to detect movement across the border at all hours.

Now, as thousands of agents and officers hired under Clinton become eligible for retirement, CBP faces major potential frontline losses. The big disadvantage for ICE and CBP is that they actually hire large numbers, but need those numbers to cover attrition, Manjarrez said. You have to have people in the pipeline, people that you've already recruited.

However, that long timeline for hiring recruits is something that D.B. and Manjarrez said poses the biggest systemic challenge to creating a steady pipeline. In addition to a proctored exam, extensive background checks, and multiple interviews, CBP recruits are required to take a polygraph, or lie-detector test. CBPs website says recruits can expect the polygraph test to take up to six hours and that its required by the Anti-Border Corruption Act of 2010. While the polygraph requirement was introduced with the intention of creating stricter standards for CBP recruits, particularly in hopes of identifying undisclosed drug use or criminal activity, the American Psychological Association maintains that the veracity of polygraph testing is widely questioned.

The polygraph has been detrimental to our hiring program, D.B. said. Granted, it helps weed out candidates who shouldnt be in law enforcement; it also in turn is weeding out truly qualified candidates because they have a non-conclusive result.

To ease the burden of its onerous recruitment process, CBP eliminated several requirements for new recruits around the same time Trump took office. In 2017, the agency was granted authority to waive the polygraph test for certain veterans and to conduct expedited hires for certain roles. A year later, only 184 officers and agents were hired as a result of those policies. For pilots, CBP dropped a requirement that recruits complete over 100 flight hours in the year prior to their application. Data showed that while CBP gained zero new air operations agents in 2014 and 2015, 46 were brought on in 2018. The agency also eliminated one of two fitness tests required, which D.B. says was a misguided move. I am against that move 100 percent, he said. With dropping the physical fitness test, the amount of injuries at the academy have increased due to trainees not being ready for the strenuous physical demand.

Concurrently to when CBP started softening their requirements, the agency sought outside help to quench their hiring woes in the wake of Trumps hefty goals, awarding a five-year, $297 million contract to Ireland-based professional services company Accenture to aid with recruitment. The 2017 contract laid out the companys plans to help CBP recruits simply finish the tedious application process, aiming to provide one-on-one counseling to encourage completion, according to a report by Mother Jones.

Accenture didnt hold up their end of the multi-million-dollar deal. By 2018, 10 months and more than $13 million into the contract, Accenture had only processed two new hires, according to the Department of Homeland Security. By December 2018, the DHS Inspector Generals office filed a report under the urgent title CBP Needs to Address Serious Performance Issues on the Accenture Hiring Contract. The report, which gives scathing performance review of the company, lists each of Accentures shortcomings in detail. CBP has paid Accenture approximately $13.6 million for startup costs, security requirements, recruiting, and applicant support, the report reads. In return, Accenture has processed two accepted job offers.

DHS wasnt the only one who felt unenthralled by the deal. While the Inspector Generals office was finalizing its report, Accenture employees had drawn up a petition to end the contract with DHS on the grounds of their work being used to supercharge inhumane and cruel policies, according to Bloomberg. (The outlet did not specify whether signers of the petition were employees who worked on the CBP deal, or Accenture employees from various teams.)

By spring, DHS succumbed to evidence that the contract was a bust and terminated the deal. By that point, only 22 new recruits had joined CBPs ranks with Accentures help less than one percent of the 2,357 frontline gains CBP had overall during 2018 alone.

While DHSs failure to reach Trumps hiring goals is ongoing, data from CBP shows that there have been dramatic increases in certain frontline programs that illustrate how the agency is still managing to increase its presence on the border (and the denials and arrests that follow) despite these challenges. The number of officers hired to patrol and work the field in jurisdictions like Laredo, Texas and Tucson, Arizona more than doubled between 2016 and 2018. In Tucson and New York City, officer gains in the first three quarters of 2019 has already surpassed that of 2018s yearly total. In fact, even excluding the last three months of 2019 that havent been reported yet, this year has seen CBPs highest number of new frontline gains in the past five years. However, these numbers dont take into account attrition and include internal hires and re-assignments. So, while more employees seem to be moving to frontline roles to try and meet Trumps demand, CBP is still struggling to bring in new people.

The long-range planning in terms of bringing large groups of people has not been well thought out, Manjarrez said In the next couple of years, they're going to have massive retirement, and they'll be further in the hole.

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Customs and Border Protection agents and officers are less trained and more unqualified than ever before - The Outline

Battle Of The Bulge Remembered – New Haven Independent

Jim Morgia remembers the bitter cold and the three German tiger tanks his unit destroyed, saving the inhabitants of a nearby town.

Lou Celentano remembers his anti-tank gun firing 125 shells in an hour and the luck of hitting the treads of German tanks, at the front and back of a column, halting an advance.

I was a little boy then when all this happened, he said gazing out at his audience, and how grateful I am to be sitting here listening to good, peaceful people talking.

Those were some of the poignant recollections of the Battle of the Bulge, a final and brutal German offensive of World War Two, whose 75th anniversary was marked by a program of remembrance headlined by Morgia and Celentano, local vets, now in their late 90s, who participated in the battle.

Their standing-room-only audience Monday night, in the downstairs community room of the New Haven Free Public Library Ives Main Branch, comprised many members of Home Haven, one of the citys pioneering aging-in-place organizations, and one of the sponsors of the event.

Their stories and those of related by the children of ex-soldiers not longer with us, including Anton Pritchard and city arts and civic leader Newt Schenck, who spent four months in German prison camps, were formally recorded during the presentations.

They are to be part of the New Haven Story Project, an online repository of tales of New Haven. The library plans to launch the repository in January in partnership with the New Haven Museum, said library staffer Gina Bingham, who is helming the project.

Monday nights program was for World War Two history buffs. They were treated to personal stories of young soldiers trying to survive and writing letters home that conveyed a hyperlocal perspective along with the mysteries of human behavior brought during crisis.

Its really a struggle, he wrote between the animal and whats good in men.

Then he related how in the midst of a German shelling he passed a barn burning. He noticed three horses inside still chained to posts. Their hides were already being singed. Pritchard was on a mission. There were more important things to do, he related in the letter, but he stopped and unchained the horses. Why? he asked himself. Why that small spontaneous gesture to save three equine lives amidst all the destruction of human lives around him?

Aimlee Lederman related the story of her husband Ezra Laderman, who was a young 19-year-old Brooklyn-born radio operator with the 69th Infantry Division during the battle. He later went on to be a distinguished American composer and dean of the Yale School of Music.

Rev. Susan Izard, Newt Schencks daughter, said she had pieced together from her fathers letters sent home how he served with a unit surrounded by German troops on Dec. 19, three days after the Battle of the Bulge had begun. Part of a group of young men who had been rushed through Yale so they could be commissioned and serve, he was sent to an officers prison camp.

He lost 60 pounds and barely survived, but when he was freed and the war was over, he wrote home, Darling mother . . . liberation is like being reborn.

In the question and answer period that followed the presentations, someone asked Sgt. Celentano (the rank he had risen to) what it was like to come home. He said he was anxious to be discharged but he was a young single guy, and discharges came first to married men. If you had three children, you were discharged before guys with two children. Finally, the unmarried guys.

Then, as he lifted up an artillery shell casing to show the audience, he said, with both candor and a sense of mystery, I was a little boy then, when all this happened. I managed to forget it. This piece of artillery was in the Battle of the Bulge.

Celentano said he could no longer remember even its caliber. He said he wasnt even sure the precise reason he had picked it up and had lugged it with his gear across Europe and across the Atlantic.

I guess I knew I was going to be talking to you, so I brought this home.

Those were some of the poignant recollections of the Battle of the Bulge, a final and brutal German offensive of World War Two, whose 75th anniversary was marked by a program of remembrance headlined by Morgia and Celentano, local vets, now in their late 90s, who participated in the battle.

How about recollections of the Black 761st tank battalion call the Black Panthers?

The Original Black Panthers Fought in the 761st Tank Battalion During WWIIThese African American heroes battled the Nazis but were still second class citizens in their home country.

In October of 1944, the 761st became the first African American tank battalion to see combat in World War II. And, by the end of the war, the Black Panthers had fought their way further east than nearly every other unit from the United States, receiving 391 decorations for heroism. They fought in France and Belgium, and were one of the first American battalions to meet the Russian Army in Austria. They also broke through Nazi Germanys Siegfried line, allowing General George S. Pattons troops to enter Germany. During the war, the 761st participated in four major Allied campaigns including the Battle of the Bulge.

https://www.history.com/news/761st-tank-battalion-black-panthers-liberators-battle-of-the-bulge

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Battle Of The Bulge Remembered - New Haven Independent

Reevaluating human colonization of the Caribbean using chronometric hygiene and Bayesian modeling – Science Advances

Abstract

Human settlement of the Caribbean represents the only example in the Americas of peoples colonizing islands that were not visible from surrounding mainland areas or other islands. Unfortunately, many interpretive models have relied on radiocarbon determinations that do not meet standard criteria for reporting because they lack critical information or sufficient provenience, often leading to specious interpretations. We have collated 2484 radiocarbon determinations, assigned them to classes based on chronometric hygiene criteria, and constructed Bayesian colonization models of the acceptable determinations to examine patterns of initial settlement. Colonization estimates for 26 islands indicate that (i) the region was settled in two major population dispersals that likely originated from South America; (ii) colonists reached islands in the northern Antilles before the southern islands; and (iii) the results support the southward route hypothesis and refute the stepping-stone model.

Radiocarbon (14C) dating is the most frequently used chronometric technique in archaeology given its wide applicability and temporal range that covers the last ca. 50 ka. Preserved carbon-based organic materials such as charcoal, shell, and bone are often key sources of information for determining the onset and duration of cultural events that occurred in the past. Unfortunately, building refined chronologies in many regions has been hampered by a lack of critical evaluation and application of radiocarbon dating. The Caribbean is no exception in this regard.

Initial human colonization of the insular Caribbean, which comprises more than 2.75 million km2 of open water, represents one of the most remarkable, but least understood population dispersals in the human history. In archaeology, the term colonization as it applies to initial human settlement of a landscape has not always been readily defined. For the purposes of this paper, we follow other case studies that define colonization as the earliest reliable (i.e., unambiguous) evidence for human arrival to previously uninhabited landmasses [e.g., (1)]. What sets the Caribbean apart from the rest of the Americas is that these colonization events are the only instances where ancient Amerindian groups would have crossed hundreds or even thousands of kilometers of open sea using watercraftlikely single-hulled canoesto reach uninhabited islands after losing sight of land, either from surrounding mainland areas or between the islands themselves (2). However, the onset, tempo, and origin of these movements are still debated (3, 4), and persistent problems with how radiocarbon determinations are used and reported have plagued Caribbean archaeology. Many published determinations lack the necessary information essential to adequately examine potential sources of error (e.g., contamination, poor cultural associations, taphonomic issues, or publication of uncorrected marine determinations), all of which can greatly influence archaeological interpretation (57).

This lack of rigor in reporting radiocarbon determinations brings into question the temporal efficacy of the regions cultural-historical framework for various phases of settlement and subsequent cultural behaviors. One major outcome has been an ongoing debate regarding how, when, and from where the Caribbean islands were first colonized during both the Archaic ca. 70002500 B.P.) and Ceramic Ages (beginning ca. 2500 B.P.), during which groups are thought to have ventured north from somewhere along the South American mainland. This is highlighted in two competing models: (i) the stepping-stone model, which suggests a general south-to-north settlement from South America through the Lesser Antilles into the Greater Antilles (8), and (ii) the southward route hypothesis, which proposes that the northern Antilles were settled directly from South America followed by progressively southward movement(s) into the Lesser Antilles (Fig. 1) (9).

Colonists reached islands in the northern Antilles bypassing islands in the southern Lesser Antilles, refuting a stepping stone pattern. SS denotes the stepping stone model, and SRH denotes the southward route hypothesis.

Like other world regions where humans appear to have moved rapidly through landscapes or seascapes, such as the Pacific colonization of Remote Oceania that took place in stages from different points of originor in North America where the coastal migration versus the ice-free corridor debate has raged for decadessupport for one model or another largely depends on the number, quality, and suitability of radiocarbon determinations used in analysis. For the Caribbean, this not only has relevance for establishing the routes of dispersal but also has important implications for understanding other natural and social variables that would have influenced the movement of peoples in watercraft that possibly encouraged (or discouraged) travel, including prevailing oceanographic conditions (e.g., currents, winds), climatic anomalies (e.g., El Nio), technological capabilities, or natural events (e.g., volcanism) (2, 3).

A common approach to improving the efficacy of large radiocarbon inventories in the event of unreliable or inadequately reported determinations is to apply a chronometric hygiene protocol [e.g., (5, 10, 11); see Materials and Methods]. In this selection process, determinations are assigned to different reliability classes that effectively cull spurious radiocarbon determinations. To resolve many of the issues related to our understanding of the timing and trajectories of Caribbean colonization, we have compiled the largest publicly available database of radiocarbon determinations for the region (n = 2484), applied a chronometric hygiene protocol, and found that only 54% of dates meet current reporting standards. Radiocarbon determinations from 55 islands were obtained through an extensive literature review, including available English, Spanish, and French publications, and were bolstered by contacting more than 100 researchers and radiocarbon laboratories to obtain unpublished or underreported determinations and their associated data. These efforts have more than tripled the number of radiocarbon dates used in the last assessment (5). Bayesian analyses of the resulting acceptable 1348 determinations for 26 Caribbean islands provide the first model-based age estimates for initial human arrival in the Caribbean and help resolve long-standing debates about initial settlement of the region.

Following results of the first chronometric hygiene study done for the Caribbean more than a decade ago (5), we expect that many islands will have younger colonization estimates after the hygiene protocol is applied, a result also seen in other similar studies (11). Hence, we examine competing colonization models using only the most reliable determinations from this enhanced database.

For decades, archaeologists have assumed that the Caribbean was settled in multiple stages and directions. The first, termed Lithic (8, 12, 13), was said to originate in Mesoamerica with dispersal into Cuba and through parts of the Greater Antilles ca. 60005000 cal years B.P. The evidence for this is based almost solely on the perceived similarity in stone tools, ephemeral archaeological assemblages, and a limited number of radiocarbon dates (3, 13). The second was a northward movement from South America around the same time or slightly earlier known as the Archaic. While both the Lithic and Archaic Ages are now generally referred to as the Archaic regardless of supposed origin, it is evident that not all islands in the Antilles were settled during this time for reasons that are still unclear (3). It was not until thousands of years later, ca. 2500 B.P., that an apparently new migratory group known as Saladoidnamed after the Saladero site in Venezuela where distinctive pottery was first identifiedmoved into Puerto Rico and much of the Lesser Antilles. However, Saladoid dates are not all contemporaneous, and some islands remained uninhabited until much later.

Apart from Trinidad, which today is only 10 km from Venezuela and was connected to the mainland by a land bridge during the Late Pleistocene/Early Holocene (14), it was recognized that the oldest radiocarbon dates in the regionboth for initial colonization (Lithic/Archaic) and later Saladoid populationswere found in the northern Caribbean (e.g., Cuba, Puerto Rico, St. Martin, and Anguilla). Yet, there had been no substantive attempt to compile or critically examine larger datasets to investigate this model in more detail until Fitzpatricks study in 2006.

The long-held stepping-stone model in which groups originating in South America moved northward through the Lesser Antilles and Puerto Rico, and then eventually west into the rest of the Greater Antilles, does not discount a possible earlier migration eastward from Mesoamerica into Cuba [e.g., (8)]. In this model, groups were able to move quickly through the Lesser Antilles because of the close proximity and intervisibility of islands once peoples reached Grenada. Chronological support for this model would require that the oldest radiocarbon dates be found in the southern Lesser Antilles with those in Puerto Rico occurring later in time (presuming a slight lag as movement progressed northward), or at the very least, contemporaneous if movement was rapid (9). This has been the prevailing model for decades, in part because of the ubiquity of Saladoid pottery found throughout Puerto Rico and the Lesser Antilles and the assumption that their presence was coeval. Despite some scholars noting a discrepancy in which dates in the northern Antilles were older than those in the south, the SS model had not been explicitly tested, despite evidence that pottery styles were not always reliable chronological markers (7, 9).

The prevailing stepping-stone model was challenged more than two decades ago when computer simulations of seafaring suggested that migrants voyaging from South America would have had the highest probability of initial landfall in the northern Caribbean due to the consistently strong easterly trade winds blowing through the southern Lesser Antilles and ocean currents that flow in the same direction, making eastward progress difficult, if not impossible (15). Fitzpatrick (5) was the first to examine this problem using quantitative archaeological data. After reviewing more than 600 radiocarbon dates from 36 Caribbean islands, he came to a similar conclusion, showing that the earliest acceptable dates for Saladoidas well as earlier Archaic settlementwere found in the northern islands, with first settlement of the southern Lesser Antilles, Bahamas, and Jamaica occurring centuries later after a long pause of around 1000 years (5).

As a result of these studies, a second model, termed the southward route hypothesis, suggested that there was instead a direct movement from South America to the northern Caribbean (Puerto Rico and the northern Lesser Antilles) that initially bypassed the southern Lesser Antilles [see (2, 5, 9, 13)]. This model largely rejects a Mesoamerican origin based on spurious data and assumes that the oldest radiocarbon dates are found in the northern Lesser Antilles and Puerto Rico based on previous chronometric hygiene analysis (5). Giovas and Fitzpatrick (16) further explored this scenario using an ideal free distribution framework. Their results indicated that settlement location was likely influenced by the attractiveness of resources, available land, and seafaring limitations. Together, these factors suggested that dispersals were fluctuating and opportunistic, leading to settlement of the largest and most productive islands first, followed by a gradual southward movement ca. 2000 cal years B.P. Only around 500 years later ca. 1400 cal years B.P. were Jamaica and the Bahamas occupied for the first time (Fig. 1).

More recently, analyses of paleoenvironmental data from lake cores showing an increase in charcoal particle concentrations and changes in vegetation regimes through time have also recently been used as proxy evidence in support of an even earlier settlement of many islands, in some cases thousands of years before the archaeological evidence (1719). However, we do not view the results of these paleoenvironmental surveys as convincing evidence of human colonization as the data used in these analyses are often not clearly from cultural contexts nor do they contain unequivocal anthropogenic signatures such as pollen or other micro- or macrobotanical remains from introduced cultigens [see also (2022)]. Nonetheless, the argument has revitalized the notion of a northward stepping stone population movement, one that is much earlier than archaeological records indicate.

Fitzpatricks previous chronometric hygiene study more than 10 years ago revealed that 87.6% of the radiocarbon dates available at that time were acceptable (5). In addition, only 21 (58.3%) of 36 islands examined had any archaeological sites with at least three radiocarbon dates; astonishingly, 127 (73.8%) of 172 sites in the dataset had three or fewer dates. While this earlier study was relatively thorough, there were still an unknown number of dates unavailable due to issues of accessibility (e.g., contract-based gray literature) or nonreporting. Fortunately, there has been a considerable increase in published radiocarbon dates over the past decade that has substantially expanded the amount of chronological data available. The greater number of radiocarbon dates for the Caribbean now has the potential to dramatically improve our understanding of the mode and tempo of prehistoric colonization and a host of other issues, such as measuring human impacts on island ecosystems and reconstructing paleoecological and paleoclimatological conditions through time. However, many of the same problems with radiocarbon dating that were prevalent 13 years ago persist today, including the use of unidentified wood from potentially long-lived taxa, unknown marine reservoir corrections, and/or the inclusion of dates from contexts that are not clearly anthropogenic. Because all of these issues require chronometric hygiene before colonization models can be sufficiently reevaluated, the data presented here comprise the largest compendium of radiocarbon determinations yet assembled for the Caribbean, which are used to create the first model-based colonization estimates for 26 islands.

A total of 2484 radiocarbon determinations were compiled from 585 sites on 55 islands (table S1). Dates were assigned to one of four classes using chronometric hygiene protocols (see Materials and Methods for criteria). Only 10 dates (0.40%) met criteria for Class 1 (most acceptable dates), and 1338 (53.9%) dates met the criteria for Class 2, for a total of 1348 (54.3%) dates that were considered acceptable for Bayesian analysis (see Methods and Materials for a description of class criteria). Seventeen islands (31.0%) with radiocarbon dates did not have any Class 1 or 2 dates (Table 1). Despite a tremendous increase in research and publication over the past decade, 433 (74.0%) archaeological sites still have three or fewer radiocarbon determinations, and 237 (40.5%) sites only have a single date representing an entire site. This is a minimal change compared with the earlier study a decade ago where 164 (39.4%) sites had a single reported radiocarbon date (5). Surprisingly, only 881 published radiocarbon determinations (35.5%) contained 13C/12C values (13C), many of which were only made available after contacting the author or radiocarbon laboratory. These values are important for understanding whether dates were corrected with estimated values, the 13C in the sample itself, and whether the fractionation was calculated using accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) or isotope ratio mass spectrometry (IRMS).

Consequently, many islands settled before European contact were excluded from our Bayesian modeling, which only used Classes 1 and 2 dates. For example, while it is clear that Saba has a rich prehistoric record (23), it was not modeled due to the lack of acceptable radiocarbon determinations (two Class 2 dates out of 41 total determinations) based on our chronometric hygiene criteria. Similarly, our chronometric hygiene protocol and Bayesian analyses show that the modeled colonization estimate for Nevis is 14251000 cal years B.P. [95% highest posterior density (HPD)], despite the presence of the Hichmans site, which was identified as an earlier Archaic settlement containing an assemblage similar to other Archaic sites on nearby islands (24, 25). Our results suggest a more recent settlement chronology for many islands similar to other chronometric hygiene studies [e.g., (11)] and highlight important problems with the quality of radiocarbon dates in the region and/or misinterpretation of supposed earlier dates, as many of those previously reported fail to meet criteria for accurate, reliable reporting.

Class 1 dates include those from the Coralie site on Grand Turk (26), a cenote from Manantial de la Aleta on Hispaniola (27), Cave 18 on Mona Island (table S1), and two sites on Puerto Rico: AR-39 (28) and Cag-3 (29) (Table 2). One of three Class 1 radiocarbon determinations from the Coralie site is the oldest acceptable date from Grand Turk, but three Class 1 dates are not enough to produce a robust colonization estimate. The remaining Class 1 dates from Hispaniola, Puerto Rico, and Mona Island likely do not date to first colonization of those islands. Together, these 10 dates cannot be used to evaluate different colonization models. Therefore, we have chosen to instead generate colonization models using Class 1 dates and the larger, more robust Class 2 data set.

EU, excavation unit; cmbd, centimeters below datum.

Of 55 islands, 26 met the criteria for Bayesian modeling. Nearly all Class 2 determinations from wood samples were from unidentified taxa or could potentially be long-lived species that can present inbuilt age problems. Therefore, modeled colonization estimates were produced using the Charcoal_Outlier analysis in OxCal, which treats radiocarbon determinations on unidentified wood as having 100% probability of having as much as 100 years of inbuilt age [(30, 31); see Materials and Methods]. All islands selected for Bayesian modeling possessed nine or more acceptable dates and produced a model agreement (Amodel) 77.9% and an overall agreement (Aoverall) 62.8% (Table 3; see Materials and Methods).

Puerto Rico was modeled with the 100 oldest determinations (see Materials and Methods).

The oldest modeled dates for Cuba (LE-4283) and Vieques (I-16153) had poor agreement indices, but the model agreement (Amodel) and overall agreement (Aoverall) remained high (Table 3 and tables S2 to S4). Poor agreement indices were likely caused by a gap between the oldest modeled dates and the rest of the Phase, caused by both the chronometric hygiene protocol and a relative dearth of radiocarbon determinations dating to early settlement when compared with later periods.

Bayesian modeling of Classes 1 and 2 radiocarbon dates from each island markedly truncates the earliest estimated date of human settlement for six modeled islands. The biggest differences are for Anguilla, Cuba, Hispaniola, and Puerto Rico, which are as much as ca. 2100 to 2300 years younger than previously reported. Although still dating to the Archaic Age (ca. >2500 cal years B.P.), the modeled colonization estimate places human settlement of Puerto Rico and Hispaniola after other islands such as Cuba, Curaao, St. Martin, and, possibly, Barbados.

The results of our chronometric hygiene and Bayesian modeling both support and offer new perspectives on the pattern of pre-Columbian colonization of the Caribbean islands. Trinidad produced the oldest colonization model estimate of 84207285 cal years B.P. (95% HPD). This is expected given that lower sea levels in the Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene either connected or placed Trinidad close enough to the South American mainland to allow for settlement that would not have necessarily required sophisticated (or any) watercraft (14). Consequently, early sites on Trinidad should be considered differently when compared with other islands in the Antilles where long-distance seafaring and more advanced wayfinding skills were likely required to colonize (3, 7). After Trinidad, our results suggest two distinct clusters of colonization estimates modeled from ca. 58002500 cal years B.P. and 1800500 cal years B.P. (Figs. 1 and 2).

The two clusters fit well with generally accepted cultural divisions in the Caribbean. The first cluster, ca. 58002500 cal years B.P., suggests two distinct population dispersals into the Caribbean that span the Archaic and the inception of the Ceramic Age. The earliest settled islands in the first cluster of our model, ca. 58002500 cal years B.P., are Cuba, Hispaniola, and Puerto Rico in the Greater Antilles; Gaudeloupe, St. Martin, Vieques, St. Thomas, Barbuda, Antigua, and Montserrat in the northern Lesser Antilles; Barbados and Grenada in the southern Lesser Antilles; and Aruba, Bonaire, and Curaao, located relatively close (27, 88, and 65 km, respectively) to mainland South America, along with Tobago, which is 35 km northeast of Trinidad (Fig. 1). Before our chronometric hygiene, the oldest reported radiocarbon dates in the Greater Antilles suggested that Archaic populations reached the area as early as ca. 74006900 cal years B.P. (3, 5). Together, these results for earliest settlement are consistent with the southward route hypothesis and suggest that some of the largest and most resource-rich islands in the northern Caribbean were settled first (14). In addition, our analysis places Curaao in the earliest cluster, which may be explained by its close proximity to mainland South America. Barbados represents an exception and has long been thought to be an interesting case of anomalous early settlement of the southern Lesser Antilles; our results continue to support this notion (3, 32).

These results suggest that after the initial settlement of larger islands in the Greater Antilles and some of the smaller islands close to the mainland during the Archaic period, subsequent Ceramic Age settlement focused again on additional smaller islands close to the mainland and several in the northern Lesser Antilles, including those close to islands previously settled during the Archaic. This is not entirely unexpected, for subsequent population dispersals such as Saladoid are likely to have followed similar trajectories, particularly if there had been a long tradition of ancestral groups traveling between the mainland and the Antilles over the course of centuries or even millennia.

The second cluster of colonization estimates fall between ca. 1800 and 500 cal years B.P. and corresponds to another burst of activity in which several islands in both the northern (St. John, St. Eustatius, Nevis, and Anguilla) and southern (St. Lucia and Carriacou) Lesser Antilles were colonized. Settlement of the Bahamian Archipelago also takes place within this time period on Grand Turk and San Salvador. It is possible that the chronologies reflect multiple groups moving in various directions (northern and southern) simultaneously, an expected outcome as trade and exchange relationships quickly accelerated after Saladoid occupation (4).

Our results place Anguilla within this later cluster, which likely reflects the results of chronometric hygiene and the removal of the oldest dates for the island given that many of these are reported without provenience and had to be excluded from analysis. The previously accepted earliest radiocarbon determinations from Anguilla were on Lobatus sp. shell tools from surface contexts. However, given the lack of stratigraphic control, those determinations were discarded from our analysis. This does not rule out an earlier settlement of the island, but currently well-anchored radiocarbon evidence is lacking.

The research presented here has important implications for examining previous explanatory models of human dispersal into the Caribbean. First, with the use of only the most secure radiocarbon determinations, our results do not support an initial northward stepping stone pattern, once the dominant scenario and resurrected by proponents of recently collected paleoenvironmental data (17). Instead, our results suggest that islands in the Greater Antilles, in the northern Lesser Antilles, and located very close to the South American mainland have the earliest reliable radiocarbon determinations and modeled chronologies. These data are consistent with the general predictions of island biogeography in which the closest and largest islands are colonized first (33, 34), as well as the southward route hypothesis, whereby the largest and/or most northerly islands in the Antilles were initially colonized with subsequent settlement proceeding southward through the Lesser Antilles. These results are also supported by previous chronometric hygiene analyses (5), seafaring simulations (32), fine-grained ceramic analysis (35), and predictions of the ideal free distribution model (16).

Despite consistency with previously proposed models, there are some islands that were settled anomalously later than would be expected or not at all. For example, Jamaica has no known Archaic or Saladoid settlements, with the earliest sites containing Ostionoid ceramics (post ca. 1400 B.P.). The Cayman Islands have no evidence for settlement before European arrival, despite several attempts by researchers to locate archaeological sites (3, 36). The disparity in these dates could be attributed to environmental factors, such as rough sea conditions that complicated successful navigation to these islands (37), survey and excavation bias, the obscuring of evidence due to natural and/or cultural processes (e.g., sea level changes, volcanism, commercial development), or other unknown reasons. This demonstrates that the investigation of when and how island regions were colonized must be treated on an island-by-island basis and not generalized across whole regions or archipelagos, as many other variables (e.g., cultural, oceanographic, and geologic) likely influenced population dispersals.

Our analysis, while using the most robust chronological dataset yet compiled for the Caribbean, is still limited by incomplete or unpublished information as well as biased survey coverage for various sites and islands. Suggested colonization estimates are presented using only the most secure chronological data available, but doing so led to the exclusion of more than 1000 radiocarbon determinations. The very nature of chronometric hygiene means that in addition to removing erroneous assays, it is likely some dates that were discarded from further analysis are in fact representative of cultural activities during that time but do not fulfill the imposed criteria (38, 39). A recent discussion by Dye (40) suggests that these problems of chronometric hygiene and single-phase Bayesian models can potentially be resolved using two-phase models. Dye (40) took this approach for examining Pacific Island colonization and modeled the first phase using radiocarbon dates from precolonization paleoenvironmental data that directly preceded the first evidence for human colonization. This first phase of the model helps to establish a cutoff point for the second colonization phase of the model, which serves as a step in conjunction with chronometric hygiene in deciding what chronometric data are most reliable. While robust and reliable precolonization paleoenvironmental data are currently lacking for most Caribbean islands [cf. (17)], the use of two-phase Bayesian models in future studies will likely improve the accuracy and precision of our colonization estimates. Another argument is that temporally diagnostic objects such as pottery could be used in the absence of radiocarbon determinations to potentially fill in gaps created by chronometric hygiene. However, without the inclusion of additional absolute chronometric techniques (e.g., thermoluminescence and uranium-thorium), pottery and other diagnostic artifacts such as typologically distinct lithics only serve as good chronological markers when they are first anchored by reliable absolute dates. For example, Cedrosan Saladoid pottery, thought only to occur in pre-2000 year B.P. sites, has been recovered on some islands like Carriacou, where the earliest acceptable dates are much later in time ca. 15501375 cal years B.P. (95% HPD) (with only 4.3% of determinations from the island rejected). One implication of our revised colonization chronologies is that other long-accepted temporal events in Caribbean culture history such as subdivisions within pottery typologies during the Ceramic Age (e.g., Troumassoid and Ostionoid) are also likely in need of critical reexamination.

Limitations resulting from the chronometric hygiene protocol could also be circumvented in the future with more detailed reporting and calibration of radiocarbon data, including taxonomic identification of samples, laboratory number, and radiocarbon age. More complete reporting would increase the reliability and, thus, the number of acceptable radiocarbon determinations (i.e., Classes 1 and 2) for many sites and islands across the region, an issue that is still pervasive even in more recent syntheses of data for the Archaic [e.g., (41)]. To return to the example of the Hichmans site on Nevis, all nine determinations were designated as Class 3 because they were from unidentified marine shell or reported without sufficient provenience (24). If this information was published or made available by the author or the radiocarbon laboratory, then this could possibly aid in refining the colonization estimate for Nevis.

The present database will be further advanced as additional information is made available or if part of the original dated samples were saved and redated. A best practice approach to managing legacy dates is to rerun the radiocarbon sample if any part of the original sample remains to improve precision. For other samples, if part of the original specimen remains, it may be possible to identify the taxon to avoid issues such as the old wood problem. Regardless, the results show spatiotemporal patterns consistent with previous chronometric hygiene studies, seafaring simulations, and theoretical models of population ecology. Our supporting evidence of previously proposed hypotheses is also potentially falsifiable with additional archaeological evidence. For example, recently published radiocarbon determinations from Grenada suggest a previously unidentified Archaic component (35). It is quite possible that expanded research programs on other islands could also push back dates of colonization and strengthen existing chronologies.

Interpretations of archaeological sites, assemblages, and other remnants of human behavior hinge on developing temporal frameworks largely built on radiocarbon determinations. This study, which involved compiling the largest dataset of radiocarbon determinations from more than 50 islands in the Caribbean, subjecting them to a rigorous chronometric hygiene protocol, and constructing Bayesian models to derive probabilistic colonization estimates, demonstrates that only around half of the currently available radiocarbon determinations are acceptable for chronology building. The paltry number of Class 1 determinations (n = 10) is especially concerning as these are considered by scholars elsewhere to be the only form of acceptable samples to use in archaeological research [e.g., (11)]. This means that only 0.4% of available 2484 radiocarbon determinations from the Caribbean would be acceptable if the same standards used in other regions were applied here. That many of the radiocarbon determinations in our database were discarded because of a lack of reporting of critical information underscores the importance of transparency when presenting results and conclusions. Given that the average cost of a single radiocarbon determination can be hundreds of dollars, it is not unreasonable to assume that this database represents an investment of around $1 million worth of radiocarbon determinations that have been largely funded by government agencies, not including the associated costs of obtaining sample material. Many radiocarbon determinations are paid for with taxpayer money, and with recent increased scrutiny of publicly funded research in many parts of the world, archaeologists must take responsibility to ensure that their samples are robust, reported in full, and widely available.

Overall, results from chronometric hygiene and Bayesian analysis of acceptable radiocarbon determinations suggest direct movement from South America to the northern Caribbean (Cuba, Hispaniola, and Puerto Rico and the northern Lesser Antilles) that initially bypassed the southern Lesser Antilles, with the exception of Barbados and possibly Grenada, which have evidencealbeit limitedfor Archaic colonization. The later colonization estimate for islands in the southern Lesser Antilles supports the southward route hypothesis and the predictions of ideal free distribution and does not support the oft-cited and recently reinvigorated stepping-stone model.

Like many of the current models used by Caribbean scholars to explain past human lifeways that hinge on secure and reliable radiocarbon determinations, these will require further quantitative testing and closer scrutiny of samples used for developing both local and regional chronologies. The analyses presented in this study can also be used to develop testable hypotheses for predicting when those islands not included in our analysis were colonized. Overall, this study demonstrates the need for increased rigor in the reporting of radiocarbon determinations to adequately assess their efficacy and maintain chronological control to ensure that interpretive models are satisfactorily anchored in time and accurately reflect, to the best of our ability, the multitude of cultural behaviors that happened in the past.

A chronometric hygiene protocol was applied to critically assess the reliability of radiocarbon determinations in relation to target events. Careful application of stricter criteria improves confidence that the dated radiocarbon event reliably relates to human activity (5, 10, 11). Dates were placed into four separate classes, the two most acceptable of which were modeled using Bayesian analysis (30). Class 1 dates, which fit the most stringent criteria, are from short-lived terrestrial material (i.e., plant remains or juvenile fauna) identified to taxon, terrestrial animal bone identified to taxon and sampled using AMS, and must include both sufficient provenience information (i.e., not from surface contexts, evidence of secure archaeological context) and the processing laboratory name and number. Class 2 dates include charcoal or charred material not identified to taxon, marine shell identified to taxon, and culturally modified shell (e.g., adzes). These dates must also include sufficient provenience information and the processing laboratory number. Class 3 dates are without some component of the above contextual information and also include marine shell dates not identified to taxon, bulk sediment, or shell samples containing multiple individuals, radiometric dates on human bone apatite, or have a radiocarbon age of 300 years B.P. or younger. Radiocarbon dates less than 300 years B.P. were excluded from analysis because the 95% posterior probability would exceed beyond the range of modern age. Unidentified marine shell was given a Class 3 value because some may belong to long-lived species or have other unresolved issues, such as the inbuilt age associated with mobile and/or carnivorous gastropods that ingest older carbon from limestone substrates. Class 4 dates were rejected because they lacked critical information, were not from a secure cultural context, or were originally published as modern dates and rejected by the original author(s). Radiocarbon dates from paleoenvironmental studies were rejected as Class 4 unless a date was collected on anthropogenically introduced plant taxa or were from a secure archaeological context because their association with anthropogenic activity cannot otherwise be demonstrated and, thus, may date contexts before human arrival.

Terrestrial and marine radiocarbon determinations were calibrated using Intcal13 and Marine13, respectively (30, 42). Radiocarbon determinations on human bone were calibrated using a 50%:50% Intcal13/Marine13 curve with a 12% error to account for the mixed marine and terrestrial diet common in the region. This 50%/50% ratio has been applied in other dietary studies [e.g., (43)], although few published studies address how dietary ratio may influence radiocarbon date calibration. Cook et al. (44) recommend using an error of 10% when groups are not consuming C4 plants; however, we selected a more conservative error of 12% to account for the presence of C4 plants in prehistoric Caribbean diets. Furthermore, marine-based subsistence strategies varied between individuals, across islands or archipelagos, and through time (45, 46). At this stage, it is not possible to develop a template for calibrating human bone other than to say that diets were likely mixed to some degree (47, 48). Future isotopic research on island-specific and temporally specific dietary ratios can be used to refine marine and terrestrial ratios for human bones. In addition, given both the paucity of interisland and intraisland local marine carbon offsets for the Caribbean (5, 49), no local marine reservoir correction (R) was applied to marine determinations, although there should be a concerted effort to obtain these in the future. However, we have applied the standard reservoir correction to marine dates.

Bayesian statistical models are increasingly used by archaeologists for modeling a range of temporal phenomena, from individual site chronologies to large-scale regional processes, and are particularly useful for radiocarbon datasets because they allow the analyst to incorporate prior information, such as stratigraphy or other known chronological information, into the estimation of probability distributions for groups of radiocarbon determinations. A strength of Bayesian models for archaeological studies is their ability to provide estimated date ranges for undated archaeological contexts, such as the onset, temporal duration, or end of a phenomenon of interest. Three key parameters of any Bayesian model are the prior, the likelihood, and the posterior. In archaeological applications, the prior is any chronological information or observations that are inferred before any radiocarbon data are collected or processed (e.g., stratigraphy), the likelihood is information obtained from the calibrated radiocarbon date range, and the posterior is an estimated calendar date range expressed probabilistically as the highest posterior density (HPD) region based on the relationship between the prior and likelihood (30). An evaluation of how well the model fits the radiocarbon data is expressed quantitatively as an agreement index, with agreement indices over 60% being the commonly accepted threshold for a good fit (50).

Following recent Bayesian approaches to island colonization modeling in the Pacific [e.g., (40, 5153)], here we model the colonization of the Caribbean islands using single-phase Bayesian models in OxCal 4.3.2 (30). This method involves combining radiocarbon dates from multiple strata and sites into a single group with the goal of providing a simple structural framework to estimate the onset of colonization using the collective dates for the island. Using this approach, all uncalibrated conventional radiocarbon age determinations were grouped into a single unordered phase by island (table S4) using the Sequence, Boundary, and Phase functions in OxCal. The model then calibrates these determinations based on prior information (other early dates in the Phase), and the modeled range of the Boundary start provides the colonization estimate. Here, we provide both 68 and 95% HPD probabilities for these colonization estimates, and all date ranges were rounded outward to the nearest five using OxCals round function (54).

Nearly all Class 2 determinations are from potentially long-lived species or unidentified wood samples and present inbuilt age problems. To address this issue, we treated each of these radiocarbon determinations as having a 100% probability of including some amount of inbuilt age using an Exponential Outlier (Charcoal) model using the Charcoal_Outlier model (31, 55). The prior assumption in this type of model is that the correct age of the modeled events is younger than the unmodeled calibrated dates by some unknown amount of time. Thus, the Charcoal_Outlier model is expected to produce somewhat younger age estimates (31). We selected a 100-year outlier model because although Caribbean peoples were likely using dry scrub forest taxa, many of which were slow-growth species, use of these trees for fuelwood likely involved coppicing, which would have sustained forests while providing younger limbs for anthropogenic use. Commonly recovered tree species include lignum vitae (Guaiacum sp.), buttonwood (Conocarpus erectus), caper tree (Capparis sp.), strong bark (Bourreria sp.), wild lime (Zanthoxylum fagara), and mangrove (56). Given this ethnobotanical information, we elected to use a 100-year outlier model.

A large proportion of our dataset is composed of radiocarbon determinations on unidentified wood and wood charcoal that likely have unknown inbuilt ages. Thus, the modeled date estimates derived from these samples may also be too old. To address this, we modeled each island with unidentified wood samples in three ways: (i) as a simple single-phase models with no additional parameters; (ii) treating each radiocarbon determination as having 100% probability of having between 1 and 100 years of inbuilt age using a Charcoal_Outlier model; and (iii) treating each radiocarbon determination as having 100% probability of having between 1 and 1000 years inbuilt age using a Charcoal_Outlier model (table S4; see Supplementary Materials) (31). Assuming a 100% probability of samples having inbuilt age is intentionally conservative as not all samples may have considerable inbuilt age.

In another set of sensitivity analyses, Cuba was modeled with and without legacy datesradiocarbon determinations with large standard errors (e.g., >100 years)because, although imprecise, these samples likely still provide an accurate measurement of the target event when derived from secure archaeological contexts. Bayesian modeling accounts for imprecision of legacy dates and can still produce acceptable models (54). To test the efficacy of incorporating legacy dates, we modeled Cuba with and without legacy dates.

The third set of sensitivity analyses was to test how the model for Puerto Rico improves when modeled with fewer radiocarbon determinations. Modeling all 445 radiocarbon determinations does not produce an acceptable model, but the model agreement increases when fewer dates are modeled (tables S5 and S6; Supplementary Materials). In addition, the oldest radiocarbon determination in the Phase does not have an acceptable agreement index until it is only modeled with 100 radiocarbon determinations.

Last, we tested how islands with many younger dates potentially skew the models and produce younger colonization estimates. To test this, we modeled Trinidad and Puerto Rico using the Tau Boundary function in OxCal, which exponentially weights radiocarbon determinations at one end of the grouping.

Supplementary material for this article is available at http://advances.sciencemag.org/cgi/content/full/5/12/eaar7806/DC1

Supplementary Text

Table S1. Radiocarbon determinations from 55 Caribbean islands with their assigned class value.

Table S2. The 100-year outlier model results and parameters for 26 islands.

Table S3. The 100-year outlier model plots with 95% probability ranges.

Table S4. SQL code for the 100-year outlier models, 1000-year outlier models, and single-phase models.

Table S5. Modeled colonization estimates for Puerto Rico with a decreasing number of dates.

Table S6. Single-phase model results and parameters for Puerto Rico with a decreasing number of dates.

Table S7. Sensitivity analyses results.

Table S8. The 1000-year outlier model results and parameters for 26 islands.

Table S9. The 1000-year outlier model plots with 95% probability ranges.

Table S10. Single-phase model results and parameters for 26 islands.

Table S11. Single-phase model plots with 95% probability ranges.

Table S12. Originally reported sample materials with current taxonomic identification.

Table S13. Radiocarbon laboratory abbreviation, name, and country of operation.

Table S14. Bibliographic information for radiocarbon determinations.

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This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial license, which permits use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, so long as the resultant use is not for commercial advantage and provided the original work is properly cited.

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Acknowledgments: We thank the five anonymous reviewers and M. Aldenderfer who provided insightful comments and suggestions that improved the analysis and the manuscript. We also thank the following scholars who provided us with unpublished dates or clarification on published dates: P. Allsworth-Jones, D. Anderson, A. Bain, D. Bates, L. Beckel, D. Bonnissent, A. Bright, M. Buckley, D. Burley, A. Cherkinsky, J. Cherry, R. Colten, I. Conolley, J. Cooper, J. G. Crock, A. Curet, C. Espenshade, A.-M. Faucher, S. Hackenberger, C. Hamann, D. Hamilton, J. Hanna, A. Hastings, V. Harvey, S. P. Horn, M. Kappers, C. Kraan, A. Krus, J. Laffoon, M. Lee, E. Lundberg, Y. N. Storde, J. Oliver, D. Pendergast, W. Pestle, B. Reed, I. Rivera-Collazo, R. Rodrguez-Ramos, M. Roksandic, A. Samson, I. Shearn, P. Sinelli, D. Watters, B. Worthington, the staffs of the University of Arizona Accelerator Mass Spectrometry Laboratory, the Center for Applied Isotope Studies at the University of Georgia, the Leibniz-Labor fr Altersbestimmung und Isotopenforschung at Christian-Albrechts-Universitt zu Kiel, the SUERC Radiocarbon Dating Laboratory, and the ngstrmlaboratory Tandem Laboratory at Uppsala Universitet. J. Miller, A. Poteate, and D. Sailors assisted with the data collection and provided feedback on an early version of the manuscript. A. Anderson, C. Lipo, T. Rieth, T. Dye, and T. Leppard provided valuable comments on earlier drafts. Funding: The authors received no funding for this work. Author contributions: All authors conceived the project. M.F.N., R.J.D., and J.H.S. completed the Bayesian statistical analysis. M.F.N., R.J.D., J.H.S., and S.M.F. wrote the manuscript. R.J.D., S.M.F., M.F.N., and J.H.S. created the figures and tables. M.F.N. prepared the Supplementary Materials, and all authors participated in the data collection and chronometric hygiene analyses. Competing interests: The authors declare that they have no competing interests. Data and materials availability: All data needed to evaluate the conclusions in the paper are present in the paper and/or the Supplementary Materials. Additional data related to this paper may be requested from the authors.

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Reevaluating human colonization of the Caribbean using chronometric hygiene and Bayesian modeling - Science Advances

Timeline for Speech Evolution Pushed Back 27 Million Years – The Wire

Sound doesnt fossilise. Language doesnt either.

Even when writing systems have developed, theyve represented full-fledged and functional languages. Rather than preserving the first baby steps toward language, theyre fully formed, made up of words, sentences and grammar carried from one person to another by speech sounds, like any of the perhaps 6,000 languages spoken today.

So if you believe, as we linguists do, that language is the foundational distinction between humans and other intelligent animals, how can we study its emergence in our ancestors?

Happily, researchers do know a lot about language words, sentences and grammar and speech the vocal sounds that carry language to the next persons ear in living people. So we should be able to compare language with less complex animal communication.

And thats what we and our colleagues have spent decades investigating: How do apes and monkeys use their mouth and throat to produce the vowel sounds in speech? Spoken language in humans is an intricately woven string of syllables with consonants appended to the syllables core vowels, so mastering vowels was a key to speech emergence. We believe that our multidisciplinary findings push back the date for that crucial step in language evolution by as much as 27 million years.

The sounds of speech

Say but. Now say bet, bat, bought, boot.

The words all begin and end the same. Its the differences among the vowel sounds that keep them distinct in speech.

Now drop the consonants and say the vowels. You can hear the different vowels have characteristic sound qualities. You can also feel that they require different characteristic positions of your jaw, tongue, and lips.

So the configuration of the vocal tract the resonating tube of the throat and mouth, from the vocal folds to the lips determines the sound. That, in turn, means that the sound carries information about the vocal tract configuration that made it. This relationship is a core understanding of speech science.

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After over a half-century of investigation and of developing both anatomical and acoustical modeling technology, speech scientists can generally model a vocal tract and calculate what sound it will make, or run the other way, analyzing a sound to calculate what vocal tract shape made it.

So model a few primate vocal tracts, record a few calls, and you pretty much know how human language evolved? Sorry, not so fast.

Modern human anatomy is unique

If you compare the human vocal tract with other primates, theres a big difference. Take a baboon as an example.

The vocal tract of a baboon has the same components including the larynx, circled in green as that of a person, but with different proportions. Photo: Laboratory of Cognitive Psychology (CNRS & Aix-Marseille University) and GIPSA-lab (CNRS & University Grenoble-Alpes), CC BY-ND

From the baboons larynx and vocal folds, which is high up and close to their chin line, theres just a short step up through the cavity called the pharynx, then a long way out the horizontal oral cavity. In comparison, for adult male humans, its about as far up the pharynx as it is then out through the lips. Also, the baboon tongue is long and flat, while a humans is short in the mouth, then curves down into the throat.

So over the course of evolution, the larynx in the human line has moved lower in our throats, opening up a much larger pharyngeal cavity than found in other primates.

About 50 years ago, researchers seized on that observation to formulate what they called the laryngeal descent theory of vowel production. In a key study, researchers developed a model from a plaster cast of a macaque vocal tract. They manipulated the mouth of an anaesthetised macaque to see how much the vocal tract shape could vary, and fed those values into their model. Then finally they calculated the vowel sound produced by particular configurations. It was a powerful and groundbreaking study, still copied today with technological updates.

So what did they find?

They got a schwa that vowel sound you hear in the word but and some very close acoustic neighbours. Nothing where multiple vowels were distinct enough to keep words apart in a human language. They attributed it to the lack of a human-like low larynx and large pharynx.

As the theory developed, it claimed that producing the full human vowel inventory required a vocal tract with about equally long oral and pharyngeal cavities. That occurred only with the arrival of anatomically modern humans, about 200,000 years ago, and only adults among modern humans, since babies are born with a high larynx that lowers with age.

This theory seemed to explain two phenomena. First, from the 1930s on, several (failed) experiments had raised chimpanzees in human homes to try to encourage human-like behavior, particularly language and speech. If laryngeal descent is necessary for human vowels, and vowels in turn for language, then chimpanzees would never talk.

Second, archaeological evidence of modern human behaviour, such as jewelry, burial goods, cave painting, agriculture and settlements, seemed to start only after anatomically modern humans appeared, with their descended larynxes. The idea was that language provided increased cooperation which enabled these behaviors.

Rethinking the theory with new evidence

So if laryngeal descent theory says kids and apes and our earlier human ancestors couldnt produce contrasting vowels, just schwa, then what explains, for instance, Jane Goodalls observations of clearly contrasting vowel qualities in the vocalizations of chimpanzees?

But that kind of evidence wasnt the end of the laryngeal descent idea. For scientists to reach an agreement, especially to renounce a longstanding and useful theory, we rightly require consistent evidence, not just anecdotes or hearsay.

One of us (L.-J. Bo) has spent upward of two decades assembling that case against laryngeal descent theory. The multidisciplinary team effort has involved articulatory and acoustic modeling, child language research, paleontology, primatology and more.

One of the key steps was our study of the baboon vowel space. We recorded over 1,300 baboon calls and analyzed the acoustics of their vowel-like parts. Results showed that the vowel quality of certain calls was equivalent to known human vowels.

A schematic comparing the vocal qualities of certain baboon calls (orange ellipses) with selected vowel sounds of American English, where the phonetic symbols / i u / represent the vowels in beat, bat, bot, bought, boot. Photo: Louis-Jean Bo, GIPSA-lab (CNRS & University Grenoble-Alpes), CC BY-ND

Our latest review lays out the whole case, and we believe it finally frees researchers in speech, linguistics, primatology and human evolution from the laryngeal descent theory, which was a great advance in its time, but turned out to be in error and has outlived its usefulness.

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Speech and language in animals?

Human language requires a vocabulary that can be concrete (my left thumbnail), abstract (love, justice), elsewhere or elsewhen (Lincolns beard), even imaginary (Gandalfs beard), all of which can be slipped as needed into sentences with internal hierarchical grammar. For instance the black dog and the calico cat keep the same order whether X chased Y or Y was chased by X, where the meaning stays the same but the sentence organization is reversed.

Only humans have full language, and arguments are lively about whether any primates or other animals or our now extinct ancestors, had any of languages key elements. One popular scenario says that the ability to do grammatical hierarchies arose with the speciation event leading to modern humans, about 200,000 years ago.

Speech, on the other hand, is about the sounds that are used to get language through the air from one person to the next. That requires sounds that contrast enough to keep words distinct. Spoken languages all use contrasts in both vowels and consonants, organized into syllables with vowels at the core.

Apes and monkeys can talk in the sense that they can produce contrasting vowel qualities. In that restricted but concrete sense, the dawn of speech was not 200,000 years ago, but some 27 million years ago, before the time of our last common ancestor with Old World monkeys like baboons and macaques. Thats over 100 times earlier than the emergence of our modern human form.

Researchers have a lot of work to do to figure out how speech evolved since then, and how language finally linked in.Thomas R. Sawallis is aVisiting Scholar in New College, University of Alabama and Louis-Jean Bo is Chercheur en Sciences de la parole au GIPSA-lab (CNRS) at Universit Grenoble Alpes

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Timeline for Speech Evolution Pushed Back 27 Million Years - The Wire

Remarks by DOJ’s Antitrust Division Head Signal Intensified Scrutiny by US Antitrust Enforcers of Digital Markets and Use of Aggregated Data -…

Recent events and commentary have signaled a broadening of government antitrust scrutiny of the use of aggregated data in digital markets. While the DOJ, FTC, and virtually all states attorneys general are engaged in highly publicized investigations of several Big Tech companies, there have been indications that enforcers also have set their sights on other industries where customer data plays an important competitive roleincluding recent remarks by Makan Delrahim, Assistant Attorney General for the DOJs Antitrust Division, at a November 8, 2019 conference at Harvard Law School.

During his discussion of industries where anticompetitive abuse of customer data might occur, Delrahim referred to digital transportation apps, food and restaurant recommendation apps, and the use of image-posting apps in connection with product promotion:

Need a ride? Your current location data can help get a driver to you within minutes. Looking for a new outfit? A recently pinned image can help suggest new staples for that evolving wardrobe. Looking for a place to dine? You get the picture. . . . The aggregation of large quantities of data can [] create avenues for abuse. . . . Such data, for example, can provide windows into the most intimate aspects of human choice and behavior, including personal health, emotional well-being, civic engagement, and financial fitness. It is becoming increasingly apparent that this uniquely personal aspect of consumer data is what makes it commercially valuable, especially for companies that are in the business of directly or indirectly selling predictions about human behavior.

Delrahim noted that many companies with business models premised on collecting and monetizing dataespecially companies providing digital services with zero price to consumershave escaped antitrust scrutiny thus far in the United States, as enforcers probing for anticompetitive effects traditionally have looked for higher-than-competitive prices and high market shares based on sales figures.

Significantly, Delrahim stated that it would be a grave mistake for antitrust assessment of digital markets going forward to focus solely on those traditional indicators of competitive harms. Rather, he said, to assess competitive harms in the digital marketplace, it is necessary to understand first that data itself is part of the price being paid by consumers, and that when a companys market dominance leaves consumers little choice but to turn over their personal data to obtain a service, that in itself could be anticompetitive harm in the form of reduced quality and consumer choice. As Delrahim explained:

[D]ata has economic value and some observers have said it is analogous to a new currency. . . . [F]irms can induce users to give up data by offering privacy protections and other measures to increase consumer confidence in the bargain. . . . We can, however, assess market conditions that enable dominant companies to degrade consumer bargaining power over their data. . . . [I]t would be a grave mistake to believe that privacy concerns can never play a role in antitrust analysis. . . . [S]ome consumers appear to hold revealed preference for privacy. . . . The goal of antitrust law is to ensure that firms compete through superior pricing, innovation, or quality. . . . Price is therefore only one dimension of competition, and non-price factors like innovation and quality are especially important in zero-price markets. Like other features that make a service appealing to a particular consumer, privacy is an important dimension of quality. For example, robust competition can spur companies to offer more or better privacy protections. Without competition, a dominant firm can more easily reduce qualitysuch as by decreasing privacy protectionswithout losing a significant number of users. . . . [T]hese non-price dimensions of competition deserve our attention and renewed focus in the digital marketplace.

Delrahims stated view of customer data as potentially part of the consideration paid by the consumer, if adopted by the courts, would represent a sea change in how modern U.S. antitrust law is applied. Organizations seeking to assess their potential antitrust liability will face novel and difficult questions of how to account for data in determining their market share and the competitive effects of their business practices, which will require careful legal analysis.

In that regard, Delrahim quoted an OECD report concluding that in markets where zero-prices are observed, market power is better measured by shares of control over data than shares of sales or any other traditional measures. European competition enforcers have made similar statements about how to assess digital market power, with Germanys competition authority recently concluding that [t]oday data are a decisive factor in competition and can be the essential factor for establishing the companys dominant position, since the attractiveness and value of the advertising spaces increase with the amount and detail of user data.

While Delrahim couched his discussion of consumer harms from data misuse in terms of economic injuries recognized under federal antitrust lawsuch as loss of quality and consumer choicehis strongly stated view that values like privacy and other non-price dimensions of competition must be taken into account nevertheless represents a shift from how enforcers and courts have analyzed anticompetitive harms in recent decades, having tended to focus on objective competitive measures such as price and output levels.

Deputy Attorney General Jeffrey Rosen likewise signaled a broadening of antitrust enforcers focus beyond price and output levels in remarks to the ABA on November 18, 2019, quoting Justice Blacks opinion in Northern Pacific Railway v. United Statesa decision from 1958, in an era when courts still often held that the legitimate concerns of the Sherman Act extended beyond purely economic harms and benefits:

The Sherman Act was designed to be a comprehensive charter of economic liberty aimed at preserving free and unfettered competition as the rule of trade. It rests on the premise that the unrestrained interaction of competitive forces will yield the best allocation of our economic resources, the lowest prices, the highest quality, and the greatest material progress, while at the same time providing an environment conductive to the preservation of our democratic political and social institutions.[1]

Compounding the growing antitrust risks for companies reliant on aggregated data is the fact that there appears to be a bipartisan desire in Washington for stronger data-related antitrust enforcement. In September 2019, the House Judiciary Committee issued document requests demanding emails and other records from some of the [technology and data] industrys top chief executives as they look for evidence of anticompetitive behavior, as the Wall Street Journal recently reported. In October 2019, several Democratic and Republican U.S. Senators introduced legislation that would requir[e] social media giants to give consumers ways to move their personal data to another platform at any time, in order to loosen the grip social media platforms have on their consumers through the long-term collection and storage of their data and give rival platforms a chance at competing, declaring that [c]onsumers should have the flexibility to choose new online platforms without artificial barriers to entry.

While assessing an organizations risk exposure from this apparent shift in antitrust policy would require an individualized legal analysis, U.S. antitrust enforcers have hinted at the types of businesses they currently are focused on. For example, Delrahim alluded to zero-price digital services reliant on consumers submitting personal data, in markets where a new entrant often cannot compete successfully . . . because it lacks access to the same volume and type of data, and he referred specifically to digital apps involving transportation, restaurant recommendation, and image posting. The types of conduct European competition enforcers have challenged in recent years, which we reviewed previously, also may provide insight into the business activities that U.S. enforcers are probing. Notably, some firms facing government scrutiny of planned acquisitions raising data issues have capitalized on the ongoing investigations of top technology companies, persuading regulators that their planned transactions will enable them to compete more effectively against that handful of top technology companies.

It is not clear how courts will resolve the difficult new questions of antitrust law raised by data-driven markets. But what is clear is that the U.S. antitrust enforcement landscape is changing quickly, resulting in significant risks and uncertainties for companies in the digital marketplaceparticularly those whose business models are reliant on aggregated customer data. It likely will be prudent for such companies to develop legal strategies for mitigating those risks while this enforcement activity is still in its early stages.

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Remarks by DOJ's Antitrust Division Head Signal Intensified Scrutiny by US Antitrust Enforcers of Digital Markets and Use of Aggregated Data -...

Outrage Is Everywhere. Here’s Why. – Slog – TheStranger.com

An observer watching the Beyonce Black St. James video. FG Trade/Getty Images

Video of St. James performing at the December 9th Home Away King County conference went viral, largely because of Christopher Rufo, a former Seattle City Council candidate and resident conservative gadfly, who posted a clip of the performance on Twitter, which was then picked up by right-wing media (and then mainstream media after that). Its been viewed over 1.5 million times.

Rufo spun this as a story about government spending. On Twitter, he wrote: For years, Seattle has claimed that it needs more resources to solve homelessness, but as the video shows, they find it totally appropriate to pay for a transgender stripper to grind on members of the region's homelessness nonprofits and taxpayer-funded organizations.

This false statement was echoed by right-wing (and Russian) media. On RT, the (trans) writer Sophia Narwitz wrote, Unless she's hiding another secret in her pants, it remains to be seen how using government funding to hire a chick with a d**k to sexualize what should be a professional event will cure the local homeless crisis. This is yet another negative mark against a city that's already wasting vast sums of funds to combat a problem it doesn't seem capable of solving.

Turns out, there was no funding involved, government or otherwise. The county did not respond to a request for comment but according to journalist Erica C. Barnett, St. James was not paid for her dance.

Still, its not hard to see why this story has gone viral. The video might not be shocking to anyone who has been to a burlesque show before, but the fact that it takes place in at a florescent-lit conference center with no alcohol in sight does make for an incongruent imageespecially when St. James sticks her tongue in an audience members mouth. The audience member, for the record, seems to enjoy it, although some others in the crowd look uncomfortable. According to the Seattle Times, attendees included nonprofit workers, government employees, and members of the faith community, and in a full video of the event posted on Barnett's website (which has since been made private) you can see one woman staring down at the table as St. James writhes around her, as though if she ignored if hard enough, the whole thing would just disappear.

Since this story broke last week, heads have begun to roll. Kira Zylstra, the director of Home Away King County, was immediately suspended pending investigation. Then, on Monday, she stepped down from her job. That may have been inevitable, considering this thing has clearly been a PR disaster for both the city and county.

Ive seen very few defenses of this choice of entertainment for a county-funded conference, although there are a few notable exceptions: On Monday, for instance, community activist, attorney, and former Seattle mayoral candidate Nikita Oliver tweeted: More Ppl are mad a trans burlesque dancer performed at a publicly funded conference about homelessness; an issue which deeply impacts trans & queer communities, artists & sex workers. Do people get this mad when gospel choirs are the cultural performance at non-Christian conferences?

If this hypothetical gospel choir tossed their robes off and started twerking in pasties, I suspect that, yes, people would have been mad about that, too. I wanted to ask Oliver why she thinks this event has caused such outrageand whether she would have supported, say, the Chamber of Commerce or the Seattle Police Department using a burlesque dancer as in-house entertainment. But she declined to comment, as did St. James, and referred me to a statement by the Trans Women of Color Solidarity Network, which says St. James has been subjected to threats, harassment, and doxing.

Watching this story unfold and seeing the outrage it inspired, I was reminded of a recent segment on the NPR show Hidden Brain. The host, Shankar Vedantam, interviewed a journalist named Julie Zimmerman about the Covington High scandal, which, if youve wiped that particular outrage cycle from your memory, centered around a group of high school boys in MAGA hats who were accused of harassing an elderly Native American man in DC. That narrative ended up falling apart, which became national news on its own and spurned a thousand think pieces (my own included), but the question is, why does anyone care?

If you were my editor and I came to you and said, Yeah, this Native American guy and these kids in MAGA hats kind of got in this tense standoff on the mall today and I think it's a story, Zimmerman said, any self-respecting editor would say, Well, did somebody get shot? You know, how, like, how is this a story? Weird confrontations between people happen all the time, and we don't consider them to be news stories.

That may have been true in the past, but now, interpersonal conflict and drama can quickly go viral, and then global.

I've begun to wonder why we get so mad over things that, when it comes done to it, dont directly impact us. The attendees of the Home Away conference, who were reportedly not warned in advance, may understandably be pissed (although from the looks of the video, plenty of them enjoyed the show). But why the anger from anyone else, especially people thousands of miles away who dont give a second thought to Seattles actual homelessness problem?

Social scientists have been studying the issue of moral outrage for years, and theyve found, as anyone who spends a lot of time online has probably noticed, that the internet has vastly increased the amount of outrage were exposed to. One study found that encountering outrageous eventsor what they call norm violationsis relatively rare, but hearing or reading about them is exceedingly common online. Any scan of social media could tell you thats true. In fact, social media thrives on it.

Research on virality shows that people are more likely to share content that elicits moral emotions such as outrage, wrote Yale psychologist Molly Crockett in a 2017 paper published in the journal Nature. In other words, we get madder online than we tend to in real life, and this is reinforced by the algorithms that feed us content. As Columbia psychologist Scott Barry Kaufman told me, online, You arent rewarded for being reasonable but for being passionate.

The negative consequences of the ever-present cycle of outrage are obvious. For one, its divisive, contributing to the escalating tribalism and culture wars between left, right, and center. Plus, individuals, businesses, and institutions have lost their reputations and money after inspiring online outrage campaigns. The Hallmark Channel is learning about this right now: After a conservative group was outraged by a commercial featuring a lesbian couple, the channel yanked it from circulation, only to outrage progressive and LGBTQ groups, whose outrage got Hallmark to apologize and reverse course. That's another thing that has to be acknowledged: Outrage from minority groups over how they are treated does get things done sometimes.

Still, researchers have found that constantly feeling outraged not only reduces empathy, after a while, it creates a sort of numbness. Outrageous events start to take on less meaning, a proposed phenomenon some psychologists refer to as "outrage fatigue. We can only handle so much before checking out. As Molly Crockett told me in an email, If everything is worthy of outrage, effectively nothing is. This can mean truly outrageous things (for instance, US drones killing civilians in Afghanistan) inspire less outrage than strippers at conferences or kids wearing MAGA hats. (There are, I should note, multiple reasons we tend to care about dumb shit, not just outrage fatigue.)

And yet, the negative consequences of outrage may seem small compared to the benefits. Outrage can force action; it can signal I, personally, am on the right side of history; it can increase ones social position; and it can serve as a kind of bonding mechanism. Outrage can tear people apart, to be sure, but it can also bring them together.

Theres also a sort of visceral gratification associated with outrage. Getting outraged, and then acting on it, particularly by shaming the norm violator, activates parts of the brain associated with reward. But while the internet may have made outrage more ubiquitous, its not like any of this is new: In fact, its deeply ingrained in human behavior, according to Kaufman, who notes that for individuals who score high on traits of narcissism, expressing outrage online can be particularly rewarding. It doesnt just bring us attention, it also brings us esteem. The novelist Aldous Huxley wrote about this phenomenon in 1921: "To be able to destroy with good conscience, to be able to behave badly and call your bad behavior 'righteous indignation'this is the height of psychological luxury, the most delicious of moral treats." It feels good, so we do it.

On the plus side, outrage really can lead to social change. #MeToo is a movement built on outrage, its undeniable that its had a real impact on the culture, mostly for the better.

Unfortunately, outrage also has a tendency to obscure reason. Take, for instance, an incident at NYU, where last year, stereotypically African American food served at the cafeteria during Black History Month (including fried chicken and watermelon water) caused such outrage that two people lost their jobs. But, as New York Magazine detailed, both of the staffers fired were black and, whats more, the menus were designed by black employees. That, however, didnt matter. Outrage demands someonewhether its the villain or nottake the fall.

Where outrage typically fails, however, is in changing minds. As Shankar Vedantam said on his show, It can feel good to start a fire, to see all the push notifications that come to your phone as people like and retweet your outrage. But, he adds, When was the last time you changed your mind because someone screamed at you? If you are anything like me, the answer is never. Thats the thing about outrage: It rarely works on an individual basis. Outrage may feel good from within your echo chamber, but expressing it is less likely to change someones mind than listening, forming common ground, and asking questions designed to make people inspect their beliefs.

So what can we do to end this constant cycle of outrage besides chucking our phones off a bridge and moving someplace with no cell service?

This is something I think about often, and yet, I also have a confession, because I, too, was part of the outrage cycle over Beyonce Black St. James. While I wasnt outraged by the performance (it struck me as more amusing than enraging), I did feel a bit outraged by Nikkita Olivers defense of it. And so I did the thing that you do: I shared it on Twitter.

Ive been waiting for the first full-throated defense of hiring a stripper to perform at a county-funded event, and I finally found it. From a former city council candidate, nonetheless, I tweeted. I wasnt just wrong in my facts (Oliver was a mayoral candidate, not a city council candidate) but in feeling. Yes, the likes and the retweets gave me a quick reward, but I know the problems with the outrage cycle better than most. And yet there I was, perpetuating the very thing that I hate. So I deleted it. I disagree with her take, but who cares? Shes as entitled to her opinion as anyone else.

Until algorithms stop rewarding outrage, perhaps the only thing each of can do is to inspect our own part in the problem. This is a little like trying to solve climate change with reusable bags and bamboo strawsthe problem is too big for choices like that to have much of an impactbut for those of us sick of these cycles, maybe the first step is to stop taking part.

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Outrage Is Everywhere. Here's Why. - Slog - TheStranger.com

Study of human anatomy made easy with Augmented and Virtual Reality – OpenGov Asia

Augmented reality (AR) and virtual reality (VR) are helping health and science students at the Bendigo campus of Australias La Trobe University to better understand the intricacies of human anatomy.

As reported, the recently installed technology in the campus anatomy laboratory and library is being used by students studying biomedical science, dentistry, occupational therapy, physiotherapy and speech pathology, among other disciplines.

Background

La Trobe Vice-Chancellor Professor John Dewar said the Universitys latest investment in new technology further demonstrates the Universitys commitment to building a strong rural health workforce.

There are students at the Bendigo campus who all need a deep and sophisticated understanding of the human body.

These students are in new courses like the Bachelor of Biomedical Science (Medical), as well as dentistry and a suite of allied health programs.

The state-of-the-art technology, combined with the newly refurbished anatomy labs, is helping students develop the knowledge and skills many will need when they start work in a rural health clinic or regional hospital after graduation.

A Lecturer in Anatomy, Dr Anita Zacharias, explained that technology makes the study of human anatomy more affordable and flexible for students. Also, it makes the learning experience an enriching one.

About the initiative

The anatomy students already learn from working with skeletons, models, and human specimens.

Adding AR and VR to the mix enables them to visualise and manipulate anatomical structures, which deepens their understanding of muscle function, and improves spatial awareness.

Furthermore, this means that students can access highly detailed 3D images, clinical cases and quizzes anywhere. It may be in their homes, on public transport, or wherever they have access to a phone, tablet or computer.

With AR, students can superimpose images of anatomical structures over a peer who can perform movements along with the app, to better understand muscle function.

While AR is completely transportable and available 24 hours a day, VR is used on campus with University supplied headsets.

The cost of using the AR technology is AU$ 10 per student, compared to more than AU$ 100 for a single textbook.

Expanding reach

La Trobe has invested AU$ 2.6 million this year on building and refurbishing science laboratories at its Bendigo and Albury-Wodonga campuses.

This was done in part to accommodate students in the new Bachelor of Biomedical Science (Medical), which launched in 2019.

Fifteen new students will start in the program across the two campuses in 2020, bringing the total number enrolled to 30.

Compared to last year, first preferences through VTAC and UAC for the Bachelor of Biomedical Science (Medical) are up 56% in Bendigo, and 146% in Albury Wodonga.

The selection process targets students with rural or regional backgrounds, who are seeking a career in the rural health workforce.

More than 77% of students studying health-related disciplines at La Trobes regional campuses are from a rural or regional background.

The AR and VR technology has been rolled out across La Trobes Melbourne, Bendigo and Albury-Wodonga campuses in recent months.

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Study of human anatomy made easy with Augmented and Virtual Reality - OpenGov Asia

Citizenship Amendment Act: The anatomy of a protest |India Today Insight – India Today

Imtiaz Alam, an event organiser and PR professional who lives in Delhi's Jamia Nagar, is flooded with offers of help for the students of the city's Jamia Millia Islamia University. Alam, who is in his late thirties, is assisting students find alternative accommodation and extending other help that they may need as the varsity campus is out of bounds for students and semester examinations stand deferred in the aftermath of the student protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the brutal Delhi police crackdown that followed.

An uneasy calm prevails in Jamia Nagar, a predominantly Muslim locality where the university is located. But Alam is pleasantly surprised by the show of support that has poured in from a wide section of the people against the police action at the Jamia campus. "People from all walks of life and communities have come forward to help the students," he says.

Follow live updates of CAA protests here

Students recount the horror of December 15 evening, when a seemingly peaceful protest went out of control, leading to the torching of buses, vandalism of public property and police storming the Jamia campus, firing teargas shells and lathi-charging students. Meeran Haider, 29, a PhD research scholar at Jamia's Centre for Management Studies, says 95 per cent of the students were protesting around the campus and perhaps only a handful were at the protests in New Friends Colony, which turned violent. "We are protesting against the Citizenship Amendment Act as it is against democracy and the country's secular and socialist character," says Haider, who is busy working with other students to chart out the future course of the protests that have spread to campuses across the country.

MORE FROM INSIGHT | General Naravane's challenges

Nabiya Khan, a 24-year-old student from a private university, was pursuing a master's degree at Jamia until last year. "Nothing had prepared me for what happened on December 15. I was at the campus. The students were protesting and then the police started the lathi-charge," she says. "People started running inside the campus. We were so sure that the police will not enter, but they did. It was pitch dark. The lights were out and the police were beating up everyone." Khan describes CAA as an "organised way of turning India into a Hindu rashtra where Muslims would be treated as second-class citizens".

In solidarity, students of elite colleges have come together to stand up against how the Delhi police dealt with the Jamia protesters. According to India Today's Data Intelligence Unit, at last count, 22 campuses across the country had joined the agitation.

History shows how student-led protests can galvanise quickly to reflect a national cause or sentiment, and governments can afford to be blas at their own peril. Some of the most defining protests in the country have emanated from universities. Several prominent leaders of the present government are products of the protests against Emergency imposed in 1975 by then prime minister Indira Gandhi-several cabinet ministers were college students at the time. The list includes the late Arun Jaitley and late Sushma Swaraj. They went to prison and were hounded by the police of the day. The Emergency period, from June 1975 to January 1977, is remembered for the suspension of civil rights. Even today, any dark phase or incident in India's democracy is referred to as an 'Emergency-like' situation.

Jamia is a centrally funded university with 50 per cent of seats reserved for Muslim students. While the police excesses at the campus have given critics of the Narendra Modi government a handle to paint it as 'anti-minority', sympathisers of the government point out that the anti-CAA protests are mainly concentrated around universities with a high concentration of Muslim students, notably Aligarh Muslim University and Jamia Millia Islamia.

MORE FROM INSIGHT | While Bengal was Burning

In many quarters, the protests are being seen as a tipping point for the Muslim community as a series of developments this year have heightened its vulnerabilities-the legislation scrapping the practice of triple talaq, which has not gone down well with hardliners in the community; the withdrawal of special status of Jammu and Kashmir and its downgrading from a state to a Union territory; and the Supreme Court's ruling on the Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid title dispute. What has certainly not helped is the fact that the ruling BJP does not have a single Muslim member in the Lok Sabha.

Students at Jamia Millia say they are in solidarity with the protesters in Assam, who are up in arms against the CAA, albeit for different reasons. The protests in Assam are driven by the onslaught of Bengali-speaking settlers from Bangladesh and other countries, who, locals say, are putting their livelihoods and culture at peril.

Students at Jamia say CAA uses religion as a discriminatory tactic and have vowed to continue the protests till the Act is revoked. In the past, galvanised protests by Muslims have forced overturns of even court verdicts. In the Shah Bano case, while the Supreme Court in 1985 ruled in favour of maintenance for the divorced Muslim woman petitioner, the Rajiv Gandhi government gave in to pressure from Muslim hardliners and enacted a law that shifting the onus of maintenance to the relatives or the waqf board. In 1988, the central government banned Salman Rushdie's book The Satanic Verses owing to protests that it projected Islam in a derogatory way.

In the case of CAA, the Supreme Court on December 17 redirected petitions against the legislation to the respective high courts. No protests are apolitical and often end up being exploited by political parties. Whether it is the alleged incitement of violence in Jamia Nagar by a Delhi MLA of the Aam Aadmi Party or the petitions filed against CAA by leaders of political parties, a protest is an opportunity best exploited for political gains.

MORE FROM INSIGHT | Data Protection Bill: Govt breaks silence but secrecy remains

Given the intensity of the anti-CAA protests, the Union government cannot afford to brazen it out. Rather, it needs to show humility and engage in dialogue with the protesting groups, take steps to dispel apprehensions of targeted religious discrimination in the garb of CAA, and prevent politics of polarisation over the contentious issue.

It's tragic that with CAA, the government appears to have committed the same blunder it did when it announced demonetisation in November 2016-lack of groundwork.

While the Hindu-right argues that the country has become accustomed to the politics of entitlement and CAA is a shake-up of a system entrenched in appeasement politics, the ruling BJP, at the moment, runs the risk of turning the aspirational youth away. The same youth that Prime Minister Modi strategically designed his electoral pitch of development and jobs for. A segment that is conscious of its rights, values freedom and has faith in the India story.

Perception has the power to eclipse reality. At the moment, the perception seems to be that the government is bulldozing its way through crucial structural shifts in India. That this has happened before is not good enough reason, because times have changed. In the age of information explosion, every move is a public act. And a state perceived to be aggressive rarely comes off looking good when put face-to-face with agitating students.

FROM THE MAGAZINE | We, the People | ProtestsALSO READ | At the stroke of the midnight, how universities across India united for Jamia studentsANALYSIS | Jamia protest: Can police enter university campuses?ALSO READ | Several students missing after crackdown on AMU protesters: Fact-finding teamALSO WATCH | In Depth: How students' anti-CAA protests spread across the country

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Citizenship Amendment Act: The anatomy of a protest |India Today Insight - India Today

‘Grey’s Anatomy’ Fans Still Think This Is the Most Boring Romance of All Time – Showbiz Cheat Sheet

In the nearly 15 years that Greys Anatomy has been on the air, the show has seen its share of couples come and go.

Fans thought some couples were an odd match, such as step-siblings Jackson Avery and Maggie Pierce. Other couples on the show were loathed by fans, such as the pairing of the ever sleazy Mark Sloan and his best friends wife, Addison Shepherd. Love them or hate them, however, the shows couplings have been undoubtedly interesting. That is, until now.

In season 15 we began to see a confident and jock-type orthopedic surgery fellow, Nico Kim (Alex Landi), pursue the bumbling and nerdy surgical resident Levi Schmidt (Jake Borelli). The romance has a lot of potential, and fans are here for it, even giving the coupling its own name, Schmico. Who doesnt love to see a jock and a nerd falling in love?

The couple was off to a rocky start as we soon learn that Levi has never been with a man, and Nico refuses to be the sherpa guiding him through the process. Levis heartfelt confession to Nico after the two end up in an ambulance during a storm changes all that, and is, by far, one of the couples more interesting moments together.

As their relationship progresses we see Levi begin to change and come alive, even saying of the effects of finally being with a man, Its the most me Ive ever felt in my whole life. Nico, on the other hand, stays pretty stagnant and at times even seems set on continually sabotaging the budding romance.

Despite a few touching scenes, many fans think the characters are not developed enough to make the romance interesting. Though the character of Levi is endearing, it relies too heavily on nerdy tropes, without which he may fall completely flat.

When it comes to characters shortcomings, however, Nico brings the term undeveloped to a whole new level. His character has almost no moments of his own to flesh him out, aside from when hes shown using his Korean skills to translate for a patient. Nico isnt given a lot of screen time and mostly functions as a device in Levis storyline, who is already just a supporting character.

The frustration with Nico extends past his limited development, however, and right on to what he does with the little time hes given, which is not a lot. One Reddit user went as far as to say, Nico is basically a walking cardboard cutout at this point, while a Twitter user wrote, nico on greys is so boring and annoying and has zero emotion when he talks bring back callie and arizona for the beautiful gay love story nico and levi are so meh.

Indeed, though Levi certainly has more personality than Nico, fans want a lot more out of the shows first gay male couple.

Not every fan is on the Schmico is boring train. Many are excited to finally be represented on a show that has otherwise provided very little representation for the gay community. Others find the simplicity of the relationship refreshing.

One fan tweeted, nico and levi are the best relationship greys anatomy have had for so long.

Whats going to happen for Schmico in the future? Well, we havent seen the last of them yet, and there are bound to be some dramatic events. Jake Borelli told ET in a recent interview, Greysisnt known for completely smooth-sailing relationships. We also need to remember these are two young people and this is Levis first relationship with anybody. We can certainly expect some bumps.

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'Grey's Anatomy' Fans Still Think This Is the Most Boring Romance of All Time - Showbiz Cheat Sheet

The anatomy of fear – THE WEEK

It was the electrician I had called to repair the TV in my flat, where I live alone. He was slight of build. There was something oily in his talk, a slipperiness like he did not believe what he was saying and knew I did not, too. And he did not care.

I think he sat on the sofa. And alarm bells went off.

I think he asked me what I did for a living. Which he had no reason to.

But I am not sure, because the details have dimmed in the blinding brightness of my fear. Even after I forced him to leave and my breathing returned to normal, the fear lingered. I can still smell it, feel it in my bones. Its shape its anatomy.

***

I recall two occasions when my father refused to let me do something I wanted to. The first was when I was in school and a group of us decided to go to Goa for a weekend.

No, he said. Its not safe.

Why not? I asked in sullen rebellion.

I did not realise then that he was not being adamant. He was merely unable to express the truth. Because our collective vocabulary is too limited to put fear into words. How do you tell a schoolgirl of the worlds hidden savagery? Of its disguised brutality? Of losing her womanhood when she did not know that she had it?

But he need not have worried. Because I knew it already. Most schoolgirls do. If they are lucky, it will only be an unwanted touch. A hungry look. An inappropriate comment. If they are not, the fear takes early residence. Disillusionment creeps in. Dreams become dried-up husks.

It is only that, at that age, I had not fully understood its dynamics. I feared without knowing what exactly I feared. I did not know yet the ways in which the hollow of my fearstill formless, still vaguecould fit the contours of a mans perversions.

***

As I grew up, I became more familiar with fear. It was there the time I was alone in the lift with a man who kept staring at me. It was there the time I went to the bathroom on the deserted top floor of a restaurant, found the latch to be stuck and was terrified that someone had locked me inside. It was there the time I took an auto-rickshaw at night and realised that the driver was drunk. It was there the time I saw something like a camera in the changing room of a shop and assumed the worst.

I also learnt that fear was mutable. It was a shape-shifter that could take the form of various emotions.

It could be the helplessness I felt when I heard about a friend who was repeatedly molested by an uncle.

It could be the anger I felt when a politician said that rape could be sometimes right and sometimes wrong.

It could be the pain I felt when I heard the gruesome details of what happened to Nirbhaya or the Hyderabad vet.

Men would condemn these incidents for their brutality, their violence and their inhumanness. But women would inhabit these incidents. They would see themselves in the victims. They would wonder what if it had happened to them.

The full force of our fear lies in that what if. That is its home.

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The anatomy of fear - THE WEEK